MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, October 3 — The recent trial of former Prime Minister Moussa Mara in Mali’s cybercrime court on September 29 is a grim reflection of the state of democracy in a country that once held great promise for democratic governance. Charged with undermining state authority for showing solidarity with political prisoners on social media, Mara’s prosecution is emblematic of the military junta’s systematic dismantling of Mali’s democratic institutions and civil liberties, five years after they took control of the government.
Just days before Mara’s trial, Mali announced its withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC), joining fellow military-led nations Burkina Faso and Niger in a move that signals a blatant disregard for international legal standards. Although the withdrawal won’t take effect for another year, the decision illustrates the junta’s intent to operate without accountability, further exacerbating the climate of repression.
This latest move is part of a broader trend of increasing authoritarianism, which includes the recent arrests of military generals and civilians accused of conspiracy and the sweeping decrees that have outlawed political parties and dissolved organized opposition. The junta, instead of preparing for a promised transition to civilian rule originally slated for 2022, is aggressively suffocating what little remains of Mali’s civic space.
### A Transition Derailed
When General Assimi Goïta seized power in August 2020 amid mass protests against government corruption and insecurity, he initially promised a swift return to civilian governance. However, within a year, he executed a second coup to sideline transitional civilian leaders. In 2023, the junta held a constitutional referendum purportedly to facilitate a return to democracy. The new constitution, which allegedly received 97 percent approval from voters, significantly expanded presidential powers and granted amnesty to those involved in the coups. As deadlines for elections have repeatedly slipped, they now appear to be a distant prospect, delayed until at least 2030.
A national consultation in April, which was boycotted by nearly all significant political parties, shockingly recommended the appointment of Goïta as president for a renewable five-year term, starkly contradicting any pretense of restoring multi-party democracy.
In a further consolidation of power, the junta launched a full-scale assault on political parties. Presidential decrees issued in May suspended all political party activities, revoked the 2005 Charter of Political Parties that had governed political competition, and dissolved nearly 300 parties. This crackdown on political opposition includes prohibitions on meetings or activities under threat of prosecution, and the judiciary has predictably sided with the executive, having lost its independence under the constitutional changes that granted Goïta absolute control over Supreme Court appointments. The regime has even proposed a new law to sharply limit the number of political parties and impose stricter formation requirements, making it clear that it seeks to establish a tightly controlled political environment devoid of genuine pluralism.
### Crushing Civic Freedoms
The regime’s assault on civic freedoms extends beyond political parties. The junta has suspended civil society organizations receiving foreign funding, imposed harsh regulatory measures, and introduced draft legislation aimed at taxing civil society groups. Independent media faces systematic censorship, with numerous suspensions and revocations of broadcast licenses, exorbitant increases in licensing fees, and the weaponization of cybercrime laws to target journalists with vague charges of undermining state credibility.
The crackdown on dissent has also led to arrests and enforced disappearances of religious figures, opposition leaders, and civil society activists. This environment of fear culminated in the first significant public resistance to military rule since 2020. Thousands protested in Bamako in early May against the ban on political parties and the extension of Goïta’s mandate, only to be violently dispersed with tear gas. Subsequent planned protests were canceled after organizers received threats of violent retaliation, clearly indicating that the junta is unwilling to tolerate any form of peaceful dissent.
### What Lies Ahead
Five years post-coup, Mali’s trajectory has taken a starkly anti-democratic turn. Initially, the coup garnered some popular support due to widespread frustration with corruption and the civilian government’s inability to deal with jihadist insurgencies. However, the situation has only deteriorated. Jihadist groups continue to inflict violence, killing thousands annually, and the Malian military — now aligned with Russian mercenaries following the withdrawal of French and allied forces — is implicated in atrocities against civilians. Meanwhile, the essential freedoms that would allow citizens to express grievances and demand accountability have been systematically stripped away.
Mali’s path is not merely a domestic concern; it is indicative of a broader regional trend. The country was the first in a wave of military coups across Central and West Africa, now leading a coalition of authoritarian regimes that push back against global democratic norms and human rights standards. Responses from the international community, including condemnations from UN human rights experts, have largely fallen on deaf ears. Economic sanctions from the Economic Community of West African States have lost their effectiveness as Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have banded together to form the Alliance of Sahel States, a bloc of military regimes that collaborates to quash dissent.
What began as a supposed corrective measure against civilian misrule has devolved into an entrenched authoritarian regime that manipulates the language of national security and public order. The junta has systematically dismantled any domestic institution that might check its power, all while dismissing international accountability mechanisms.
In this dark landscape, courageous Malian civil society activists, journalists, and opposition figures persist in their fight for justice and democracy, despite the considerable personal risks involved. Their bravery demands more than mere condemnations; it calls for substantial support, including emergency funding, secure communication channels, legal assistance, temporary refuge, and sustained diplomatic pressure. The international community must translate its professed commitment to human rights and democratic values into meaningful solidarity with those who risk everything to uphold them in Mali and throughout Central and West Africa.
